The Discordant Well Water - The Somali Political Tragedy (Part 8)

By Prof. Mohamoud Iman Adan- Virginia, USA - The Magnitude of Disagreement & Destruction The peace Core came close to the battlefield, and from there they saw the smoke belching from burning technicals at distant spots in the city. At the far corner, one could see some heavy artilleries scuttling here and there around the tall walled villas built with fraudulent money from the former military government coffers by the Discord Well.
Editorial Keydmedia Online

Finally they reached the conference hall. What they have seen was beyond their wild imagination. The chaotic destruction is everywhere and overwhelming. There were burned down sedans and some technicals parked behind the conference hall. There were broken chairs, smashed tables, abandoned shoes, most of then sandals, plastic water bottles, broken wooden stick used as whacking tools, cigarettes and matches, notebooks and pens, broken digital camera, cell phones used as throwing stones, walking sticks, hats, dried blood stains on table clothes, you name them. Even the hardboard partition walls were tore down, just to recover the wooden boards used either for attacks or for defense purposes. Again, the hopeful convention is doomed and the Peace Core group were at loss of what the future holds reconciliation and stability. They looked around for solace, and then and turned back heartbroken and disillusioned than ever. Their their fight was not yet over, and Dulmiddid remarked, “Let's hit the road and start the struggle all over again,”consoled Dulmidiid.

There was a day that everything fell in line as Qiilmawaaye had planned years ago. Swarms after swarms of armed Al-Shabab militia took over inside and outside position of Villa Somalia, as well as  manning all outlet inlet roads leading to the Airport and the Seaport. UNISOM command stationed inside the TFG Headquarters finds itself overpowered and threatened. They were isolated from all major routes, making impossible for back up reinforcement to come through. Al-Shabab militia has blocked all major roads and halted all traffic movement. Eventually, UNISOM did capitulate without firing a single shoot, and so was the TFG contingent manning stationed inside the Villa Somalia. With the barrel of the gun, TFG leadership holed up in Villa Somalia is rounded up, blindfolded and whisked away to unknown location. The prisoners had mixed feelings:

“Will Al-Shabab execute us?”
“Will they put us in prison?”
“Will they ship us to unknown location until they consolidate the rule of the land?”
“Will they interrogate us relentlessly to get all the information they need?”
“Will they kill some of us and spare a few of us?”
“Will they expropriate our wealthy?”
“Who can help us at this crucial time?”
“Will they yield to the pressure of the World to release us without being tortured?
“Shall I ever see my family..?” and so on and so forth.
“Will they spare me as a political expedient and nominate me a cabinet position?”

Through pressure and intimidation, TFG relinquishes its mandate in a matter of one hour and immediately replaced by the 2TFG headed by Qiilmawaaye and his handpicked clique. In a short time, a coalition government is formed and announced on the radio Mogadishu, giving Al-Shabab a lion's share of all government positions. The National flag has been replaced with a black flag said to be the symbolic relic carried by the Muslim conquistadors in the advent of Islam. So is the National Anthem.

At this point, UNISOM contingent has no legal status to remain in the country and was given 24 hours to back up and go home, while relinquishing its bases and all military gear to the new government as  arsenal for self defense purposes. With specific clarity, the Radio Mogadishu announced the first degree of disbanding forthwith all the TFG cabinet ministers, members of  the Parliament and other government operatives inside the country, as well as closing all embassies outside the country. To the chagrin of many hopefuls, the former TFG did slip into history within hours and its backers turned an old page and put new reading lenses to learn more about Somalia.

Qiilmawaaye did not only disown his political colleagues and system of government, but he disrupted the political landscape of the country as a whole, where Al-Shabab is now a major stakeholder in every line of government factions. This surprising, rapid trend caused a chain reaction. It undermined the resolve of IGAD. It bogged down the policy of the UN Security Council about Somalia, as well as the political designs set forward by USA State Department. Other Western governments fell in limbo, too, trying to patch up the over all picture of the political situation of the country before they could make any final decision. In the same token, the Arab League and the Islamic conference organizations scrambled how to react and what's the right move to do in the face of such surprising development.

An enigmatic new day is dawned in Somalia that upset the future expectation of the Southern Regions of Somalia and the free world. Yet there are some rough roads ahead for the new rulers that give us the reflection that the political squabble of the Southern Regions of Somalia is not yet over: Nabadiid is sailing high and maintains the policy of self-seclusion. Qiilmawaaye opts the Ethiopian military forces back to the country so that he could rule the country from the tower of army tank; while Colaad vows to cleanse of all politicians from rival clans, while building strong ethnic hegemony. In the history books, government functions and the rule of clan are uncomfortable with each other. But, let's see what happens next...!  

By Prof. Mohamoud Iman Adan (mohamoud.iman.adan@keydmedia.net ) - keydmedia.net Correspondent




Editorial 13 May 2021 2:35

The current Somali government, whose mandate ended, came to power with the expectations of massive reforms in institutional and development settings. President Farmajo completed his term in office without paving the way for consensus-based elections; instead, he messed up the growing Somali institutions and the trust-building processes.